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Get Free Ebook , by Marc Hetherington
Get Free Ebook , by Marc Hetherington
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, by Marc Hetherington
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Product details
File Size: 7939 KB
Print Length: 289 pages
Page Numbers Source ISBN: 1328866785
Publisher: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt (October 9, 2018)
Publication Date: October 9, 2018
Language: English
ASIN: B078FH3BC6
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#107,549 Paid in Kindle Store (See Top 100 Paid in Kindle Store)
This will be a long review, folks, because as someone who has owned a Chevy truck and a Ford C-Max hybrid, who doesn’t drink either Starbucks or Dunkin Donuts coffee, has enjoyed dogs and cats as pets, as well as fish, a turtle and a parakeet, it was difficult to read their advance copy book. Like most people, my needs, tastes and financial resources fluctuate. All of which impact where I live, what I drive, the things I buy, etc. Is anyone cookie cutter? Do we all fit into neat little boxes?That’s the sort of thing Marc Hetherington and Jonathan Weiler overlook. It’s a fundamental misconception of who we are. If you begin with a flawed thesis, the result is a well-researched, erroneous conclusion. From the birth of our nation, worldview has played a significant role in politics and there’ve been political divisions, but the authors explain how various polls, studies and other statistics indicate: “the worldview divide has the potential to imperil American democracy… Many commentators, particularly on the left but more than a few on the right as well, have expressed this fear about Donald Trump.†Please note there’s a clear favoring of one president over another from the introduction on.Throughout the pages of this book, I wondered who took part in questionnaires, polls and studies conducted by these and other political scientists or think tanks? People stopped on the street? Solicited online? The four questions that explain America’s “great divide†ask parents what qualities they believe are more desirable in their children: independence vs. respect for elders, obedience vs. self-reliance, curiosity vs. good manners, and being considerate vs. being well behaved. Were there any parents who would not choose one trait over another, considering all of them important? Did their studies include people who aren’t parents? It doesn’t matter, because those questions aren’t the crux of their message.The entire book is dedicated to unapologetic “profilingâ€. People on the right (fixed) tend towards the familiar and predictable, safety and order, are warier of change, more suspicious of outsiders, and are more likely to drive a pickup truck and eat classic, American foods. Note: they say most ethnic folks are fixed, because [they claim] ethnic groups self-segregate. People on the left (fluid) find social and cultural changes appealing, feel excited by things that are new and novel, “are open to, and welcoming of, people who look and sound differentâ€, and are more likely to drive a Prius and eat exotic meals. Moderates (mixers) aren’t really in the middle, the authors say, but instead tend toward one direction or another. Fluid folks live in urban areas. Fixed folks live in suburbs and rural areas. Presumably mixers live everywhere; it isn’t made clear.None of which begins to recognize the complexity of human beings… in the U.S. or anywhere else on earth. On my street, in a small town tucked into a rural county, with many cultures, ethnicities, ages and socio-economic ranges, neighbors chat, kids skateboard and ride bikes, and radios play everything from rap to country, mariachi to vintage rock. There are trucks and hybrids, but mostly sedans and SUVs. Therefore, to me, this book is an epic fail with a clear agenda. It’s part of the problem. NOT a solution. I’m giving the authors credit for mountains of “researchâ€, but wish they’d have spent some time with people, getting to know them outside of a laboratory or computer screen, as they would friends or neighbors.
Several thoughts. First, the theory of the book is overly simplistic and minimizes the importance and significance of party I.D. Party I.D. is stressed insofar that it is associated with worldview, and since it is mentioned only in conjunction with worldview and used only to strengthen the already weak and tenuous theory pushed by the authors, the paramount power of party I.D. is minimized. Also, the book's empirics are jejune. It is short on original survey data, although it cites a multitude of existing studies and polls from ANES and Pew, among others. Absent is any meaty discussion on the role of polarization via party sorting, the increased importance and role of primary voters, or why group identity --- not because of worldview, but because of fewer cross-cutting cleavages and more overlapping cleavages --- has become more relevant and affective and social polarization has intensified. This stab at a novel argument is a failure. Second, the book engages in what it arguably criticizes: biased reasoning and antipathy toward the other side. Sentences suggesting that conservatives are less evolved (p.41) --- because of there greater propensity to fear --- than liberals is counterproductive. Further, the authors seem unaware of, and conveniently refuse to acknowledge, that extreme ideologues on both sides would seemingly favor a stronger leader (p.30-31). If we truly conceptualize the ideological spectrum, totalitarianism appears at both extremes (communism and fascism, e.g. Stalin and Hitler). One side doesn't have a monopoly on favoring these types of leaders. The book is a hodgepodge of surveys, woven together to poorly create a badly biased book that sacrifices/undermines scientific objectivity with its editorialization. The drawn link between hate speech and hate crimes demonstrates a weak understanding of the first amendment (p.188). Finally, Chapter 6 is dedicated to Trump bashing. And this is fine, and warranted, but not under the auspice of an academic book. And, here, the book is also heavy on the hyperbole with parallels continually drawn between Hitler and Nazi Germany, to Trump and contemporary America. The mere fact that our democracy has remained strong during the Trump administration is a testament to the durability of our institutions. I know this hyperbole plays well with the academic crowd at UNC, and the academic crowd in general, but this is the kind of extremist rhetoric which disgusts and repels so many Americans. So, again, the authors propagate the same tactics/behavior/language they rebuke. It is also obscene to equate, in any way, Nazi Germany, and the attendant horrors, with current American society/politics. In sum, this book adds little to our discussion of political polarization in the academy, and could have been written by any competent graduate student.
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